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This is a complete project work titled Effect Of Retirement On Psychosocial And Physical Well Being Of The Elderly In Ibadan

Abstract on Effect Of Retirement On Psychosocial And Physical Well Being Of The Elderly In Ibadan

In  Nigeria,  growing  old  is  usually  feared  because  of  the  multi-faceted  problems associated  with  ageing.  Research has shown that  conditions  such  as  insufficient savings after retirement, poor access to health care, poor dietary intakes and poverty affect the psychological well-being of the elderly. Yet, there is paucity of research on the psychological condition of  the  elderly  in  Nigeria.  This study examined the psychosocial and physical well-being of the elderly in Ibadan North local government area (LGA) of Nigeria. A simple random sampling technique was adopted and elderly aged 65+ were randomly selected. Psychosocial well-being was operationalized as whether the respondent experienced good or poor psychosocial  well-being.  Data were analyzed using simple percentage model. Age, level of education, current working status and  financial assistance from  children were  the main  determinants of  good psychosocial well-being. Specifically, good psychological well-being decreased with increasing age.  Also, the  odds of  having  good psychosocial well-being  was lower among  those  with  no  education  and  primary  education  compared  with  their counterparts with secondary  education or  more.

Chapter One of Effect Of Retirement On Psychosocial And Physical Well Being Of The Elderly In Ibadan


Most major life-changing events, such as marriage or divorce, involve an ongoing process of emotional adjustment. Retirement is no exception. Marriage, divorce and other family-related issues have been the focus of decades of research and analysis by both clinical therapists and religious institutions. Unfortunately, the emotional and psychosocial frontier of retirement has remained virtually unexplored until recently. However, while research on this subject has barely begun, it is clear that the psychosocial process of retirement process follows a pattern similar in nature to the emotional phases accompanying other areas of transition.

Retirement: The Final Frontier

Retirees must face what is essentially the last transition in their lives. The first transition comes when we leave the security of home to begin our school life in kindergarten, and after school we have the rest of the day to ourselves. Another major transition comes when we join the working world. Now we work all week but still have the weekend to ourselves. Then finally comes retirement, a time when careers are over and the work is done. Retirees have the rest of their lives to themselves. The transition into retirement can be broken down into six main phases. Let’s take a closer look at each of these phases.

  1. Pre-retirement – Planning Time
    During the working years, retirement can appear to be both an oncoming burden and a distant paradise. Workers know that this stage of their lives is coming, and do everything they can to save for it, but often give little thought to what they will actually do once they reach the goal – the current demands that are placed upon them leave them little time to ponder this issue. Many people face retirement like a running back on the football field who dodges or plows through one defender after another until reaching the end zone. It’s hard for many workers to think seriously about what their lives will be like in 20 or 30 years when they are trying to stay on top of their mortgage, put their kids through college and have a little fun in the meantime. They want to reach the end zone, but other issues will tackle them long before then if they don’t take immediate action. (For more insight, check out Enjoy Life Now And Still Save For Laterand Life Planning – More Than Just Money.)
  2. The Big Day

Smiles, Handshakes, Farewells By far the shortest stage in the retirement process is the actual cessation of employment itself. This is often marked by some sort of dinner, party or other celebration, and has become a rite of passage for many, especially for those with distinguished careers. In some respects, this event is comparable to the ceremony that marks the beginning of a marriage

  1. Honeymoon Phase – I’m Free!
    Of course, honeymoons follow more than just weddings. Once the retirement celebrations are over, a period often follows where retirees get to do all the things that they wanted to do once they stopped working, such as travel, indulge in hobbies, visit relatives and so forth. This phase has no set time frame and will vary depending upon how much honeymoon activity the retiree has planned.



  1. Disenchantment – So this is it

This phase parallels the stage in marriage when the emotional high of the wedding has worn off and the couple now has to get down to the business of building a working relationship together. After looking forward to this stage for so long, many retirees must deal with a feeling of letdown, similar to that of newlyweds who must get down the the business of living once the honeymoon is over. Retirement isn’t a permanent vacation after all; it also can bring lowliness, boredom, feelings of uselessness and disillusionment.

  1. Reorientation – Building a New Identity

Fortunately, the letdown phase of retirement doesn’t last forever. Just as married couples eventually learn how to live together, retirees begin to familiarize themselves with the landscape of their new circumstances and navigate their lives accordingly. This is easily the most difficult stage in the emotional retirement process and will take both time and conscious effort to accomplish. Perhaps the most difficult aspects of this stage to manage are the inevitable self-examination questions that must be answered once again, such as “Who am I, now?”, “What is my purpose at this point?” and “Am I still useful in some capacity?” New – and satisfying – answers to these questions must be found if the retiree is to feel a sense of closure from his or her working days. But many retirees cannot achieve this and never truly escape this stage – make sure you do!

  1. Routine – Moving On

In this phase,, a new daily schedule is created, new marital ground rules for time together versus time alone are established, and a new identity has been at least partially created. Eventually, the new landscape becomes familiar territory, and retirees can enjoy the last phase of their lives with a new sense of purpose.
Life planning is an important key to successful retirement. Workers that have given serious time and thought to what they will do after they retire will generally experience a smoother transition than those who haven’t. Dreams and goals that cannot be achieved with a single trip or project may translate into long-term part-time employment or volunteer work. But it is never too soon to begin mapping out the course of the rest of your life. (To get started, read A Pre-Retirement Checkup.)

As with all emotional processes that can be broken down into separate phases, it is not necessary to completely achieve one phase before beginning another (except, of course, for the actual cessation of employment). But virtually all retirees will experience some form of this process after they stop working. Their ability to navigate these uncharted waters will ultimately determine how they live the last phase of their lives.

An increase in life expectancy associated with a reduction in fertility rates constitutes a phenomenon called demographic transition. This phenomenon entails the progressive aging of the world’s population, which is also observed in the Ibadan people. Although it is a natural process, aging causes anatomic and functional alteration, affecting the health of the elderly, and consequently their quality of life. However, the quality of life perceived by a person or group reaches beyond physical health, necessitating a broad and complex analysis considering factors such as socio-economic level, emotional state, social interaction, intellectual activity, cultural values, lifestyle, employment and/or daily activities satisfaction, and the living environment. A successful aging process requires the maintenance of physical and mental functioning and involvement in social and relationship activities. Also, some recommendations make proposals regarding food intake and practicing physical and cognitive activities. Although in old age physical control highly influences the global quality of life of these people, the psychosocial and social changes in this life stage cannot be ignored. Retirement is thought to be the trigger for these alterations, since it represents social devaluation and the loss of professional identity. In our society, which is ordered by capitalist logic, working represents more than an income source for mankind. This human activity enables the subject to organize schedules and routines, establish plans, targets and aspirations, build affection ties, exercise creativity, ensure independence, and express productivity. In addition, working is an important element of personal identity construction. This importance is revealed by the emphasis given to our professional occupation when we are introduced to someone. Working contributes to the construction of the social being, since mankind is produced and reproduced by working. Self-recognition and alter-recognition are linked to professional identity. They represent, respectively, the way the subject knows and recognizes himself and the way he is recognized by others. Therefore, professional identity is embedded in subjective values and socially shared values, and this connection between working and the social environment reveals a dialectic relation. At the same time working contributes to the construction of the social being and the social aspect contributes to the construction of the professional being. By the same token, the values presented by the social environment are highly influential in retirement as they remind people of the imminent arrival of old age, and consequently being considered economically unproductive. In addition to social values, there are the subjects’ intrinsic values that are interconnected with their life history, relation with society, and above all, with their professional role and their way of facing losses and adjusting to new situations. Therefore, if people build, throughout their lives, other sources of satisfaction beyond working, facing this phase can be easier, enabling a restructuring of their identity as a retired person. Thus, for some people retirement is positively assimilated, leading to reorganization of life; for others, it is significantly damaging, affecting their psychic structure. These effects can manifest through feelings and symptoms like anxiety, depression, irritability, and general dissatisfaction resulting in a reduction in quality of life. In addition, retirement can have indirect repercussions on the cognitive functioning of the elderly person, since retiring subjects often go through an impoverishment of their social networks and daily activities. These factors are important in postponing the cognitive decline, because the richer the retired person’s social commitment, intellectual stimulation and physical activities, the lower the risk of dementia. Elders’ susceptibility to depression also represents a risk to their cognitive integrity. Many studies demonstrate that elderly people suffering from depression show low performance in memory tests, and even greater effects on executive functions associated with attention deficit and decrease in processing speed. Retirement repercussions related to emotional and subjective life also can interfere with eating patterns. The loneliness of the elderly population may cause them to lose interest in eating. Before retirement, eating moments were shared with working colleagues, and the time and location of meals were consistent and predetermined. Another factor influencing eating habits is the decline in income after retirement. More than 15% of elderly people are estimated to have a daily food intake of less than 1000 Kcal/day. In less economically favored populations, this proportion can be even higher. Buying power reduction can also result in consuming lower cost products, leading to monotony in eating habits. Packaged foods such as candies and pasta, or those that are easily prepared, such as teas and toasts, are common among the elderly population. This behavior influences nutrition, creating a risk of inappropriate food intake. Retirement can be seen as an event wrapped by a series of interconnected critical situations interfering in the quality of life of the elderly. With a view to these aspects, understanding how elders experience the retirement process can aid health professionals’ efforts to work with this population by bringing them closer to their reality.

Retirement has been viewed as one of the later life status transitions although our knowledge of its psychosocial consequences is fragmentary (Kim & Moen, 2002). It is an objective development and social-psychosocial transformation that is related to physical and psychosocial well-being (Moen, 2001).Retirement may promote a sense of well-being of workers moving out of demanding and /or stressful career jobs. On the other hand, it may lead to diminished well-being for individuals who lose their occupational attachments, social networks and identities (Kim & Moen, 2002). With respect to psychosocial consequences of retirement, empirical evidence is inconsistent. For instance, some researchers have found significant negative relationship between retirement and life satisfaction or morale (Kim & Moen, 2002; Taylor, Goldberg, Shore & Lipka, 2008) and positive association with psychosocial distress (Kim &Moen, 2002; Okatahi, 2007; Onyewotu, 2005; Salami &Oduntan, 2001). Other researchers found no negative psychosocial effects such as psychological distress associated with retirement (Gall, Evans & Howard, 1997; Ross & Drentea, 1988). Some have reported mixed findings. For example, Gall, Evans and Howard (1997) found no relationship between retirement and life satisfaction while a positive effect of retirement on health or reduced stress level was found by Midanik, Soghikian, Ramson and Tekawa (1995).

Types of Retirement

Statutory Age of Retirement is written in section 4(1) of the pension Act of Federal Republic of Nigeria. The Act prescribes 60 years as age of compulsory retirement for public servants and 65 years for Judicial Officers. Decree No 43 of 1989 has added another element to the provision by saying that officers who have worked for 35 years or have attained 60 years of age whichever is earlier should retire compulsory. The onus is on the retiring officer to given six months notice of his intention to retire from the service so as to ensure smooth handling over/taking over of the officers duties. Above all, early notice will ensure the smooth processing and payment of terminal benefits as when due. It should be clear therefore that as soon as officers attain 60 years of age or 35 years of service, he is regarded as being out of the service automatically unless an extension is specifically granted in exceptional circumstances. Even so such period of extension will not be pension earning. After attaining the qualified service of 15 years, an officer is free to retire voluntarily with appropriate benefits. However such an officer will not commence the enjoyment of his pension until he attains the age of 45 years. But if the officer is required to retire after completing 15 years he shall be entitled to pension immediately on retiring, not with-standing the fact that he has not attained the age of 45 years. In addition, he shall be entitled to 3 months notice of retirement or 3 months’ salary in lieu of notice. Under section 42), an officer may be required to retire from service at any time after he has attained the age of 45 years subject to 3 months notice in writing of such requirement being given to the officer. Three major forms of retirement are identified in the literatures namely, voluntary, compulsory and mandatory Omoresemi 1987; Akande 1995; Olusekan, 1999).

Voluntary or self Retirement: According to Asuquo and Maliki (2007) voluntary retirement occurs when the individual, decides to quit active service for personal reasons irrespective of age, experience, length of service or retirement policies. This type of retirement depends more on the employee than the employer. Glueek (1974) opines that in recent years, more than 90 percent of pensions plans studied made provisions for early or voluntary retirement. Most of the voluntary retirement plan requires a minimum number of years of work before the employee is eligible for retirement. In Nigeria, the minimum number of years of work presently before the employee qualifies for voluntary retirement with pension benefit in public service is 10 years 5 years of gratuity only without pension). The voluntary plans however vary according to organizations to organizations and countries. Donnelly (1967) cited in Ukwuayi (2002) in his study found out that in a typical year an average of 10 percents of those who are eligible for retirement, retire early, but this is related to benefit paid. They continued that only 5 percent of those with non-liberalized payment retire early and voluntary, whereas 30 percent of those eligible for voluntary retirement with liberalized benefits does. The United States Census Bureau found out that men retire early and voluntarily than women (Ukwuayi 2002). Employees that generally have higher pension benefits, smaller number of dependents, higher income and poorer health usually voluntary retire early (Ubulom and Uzoeshi, 2006). Blue collar workers are more likely to retire early than white collar workers. Government workers retire early more frequently than private sector employees (Drucker 1978).

Compulsory or Forced Retirement: Compulsory or forced retirement is a situation in which the individual is forced or compelled to retire against the individuals expectation and when he is ill-prepared for it (Asuquo and Maliki 2006). It is usually viewed negatively in that it is unplanned and reasons might include inefficiency, old age, ill health, indiscipline and need for reduction of the workforce (Penner, 1986). Mandatory Retirement: Mandatory retirement is the normal or expected form of retirement in the sense that the person involved has reached the statutory age of retirement as specified already in the condition of service of the establishment (Akinade, 1993). For instance, in Nigeria the age is specified for other civil servants is 60 years while judges and lecturers retire 65 years or when an individual has put in 35 years of service. Whether voluntary, compulsory or mandatory, retirement is known to bring about a lot of social, physiological psychological and financial effects on retirees (Asuquo, 2002). As a highly personalized process Asuquo and Maliki, (2007) opined that it can be anticipated as benign, threatening or challenging. They asserted that because of the dreaded negative consequences occasioned by this period of transition, characterized by loss of assumptive world, near-retirement workers including teachers need to prepare before coming to grips with these realities. More also, people who attempt to adjust to the exigency of retirement do so in various ways depending on how prepared they are psychologically, socially and financially. This perhaps explains why many people argue that the starting point to prepare for retirement is retirement counselling (Asuquo, 2002). By so doing, psychological-social harassment and effects of retirement would be reduced or eliminated.




1.2 statement of problem

The problems associated with retirement and the physical and psychosocial well-being of the elderly is major challenging. This is because after retirement dependency and idleness level among the elderly constitute a major challenge to the relatives who are engaged in one economic activity or the order. This work is to examine the extent of life after service of the aged and how their physical and psychosocial well-being after retirement.

1.3 purpose of the study

The main purpose of this study is to evaluate the psychosocial and physical well-being of the aged in Ibadan. However the study specifically seek to:

  1. To ascertain the physical well-being of the aged after retirement.
  2. To evaluate the psychosocial effect of retirement on the elderly.
  • To evaluate the benefit of retirement and its health implication on the elderly.
  1. To understand the implications of the retirement process for the subjective experiences and eating habits of elderly.


1.4 significance of the study

It is conceived that at the completion of the study its findings would be beneficial to:

  1. The pension board in effective planning of retirement
  2. The government in pension administration
  • The pensionnaires in planning life after retirement in other to get the best out of life.
  1. The students, researchers and general public.

1.5 scope of the study

This studies covers the effect of retirement on the psychosocial and physical well-being of the elderly in Ibadan north LGA.

However the research has some constrain to its scope, which ranges from:

Finance: is a major limitation to the scope of the study, as available resources does not allow for a wider scope

Time: the time allocated to the research work is limited because of other academic works

Availability of research materials: material for this work is not readily available as the researcher has to go to the field and source for materials.

1.6 operational definition of terms

Well-being of elderly:

It is an article of faith that the supreme criterion by which a government can be judged is the quality of life its citizens experience, including, of course, the duration of life itself. In life expectancy and in material standards, the 20th century was remarkable. Especially in the prosperous and industrialized sectors of the world—the United States, Scandinavia, Japan, and Western Europe—the magnitude of positive change was without precedent. Demographers estimate that increases in longevity during the past 100 years equal or exceed all previous gains from the Bronze Age to the end of the 19th century.

The causes of these gains are many, including public health and sanitation, improved nutrition and drinking water, and the achievements of medicine. Widespread use of vaccination and immunization, the development of antibiotics, pharmacological treatment of chronic diseases, surgical treatment of cardiovascular and orthopedic disease—all these belong in large part to the 20th century.

Even in countries that have been most advantaged in these ways, however, the gains have not been uniform in all life sectors. Gerontologists Matilda and John Riley (1994) have called the latter stages of the 20th century a time of structural lag, in which national policies and institutions have failed to keep pace with gains in longevity and health. The nature of employment and retirement, the place of education in the life course, and the structures for providing medical care have yet to catch up with the facts of octogenarian life expectancy, decades of life after usual retirement, and vigorous capability into genuine old age. Nor is the lag only institutional; public attitudes about aging and about older people—who they are, what they want, and what they can do—have the mark of the past about them. Lag in all these respects means that we have yet to achieve the quality of life made possible by the added years of life achieved.

Most people would agree that gains in life expectancy and material goods and services, important as they are, are not all we mean when we use terms such as well-being and quality of life. The idea of a more comprehensive set of measures—a complete and continuing index of national well-being—is not new. In the United States in 1929, then President Herbert Hoover created the President’s Committee on Social Trends for the purpose of generating the necessary data and thus providing an improved basis for policy decisions. In the nature of such things, the committee’s report, Recent Social Trends, appeared much later, in the midst of a great depression and the early years of the Roosevelt presidency. Forty years later, Wilbur Cohen, Secretary of Health, Education, and Welfare, submitted to President Lyndon Johnson an ambitious document with a modest title: Toward a Social Report (Cohen, 1969). This report provided some data and urged the collection of much more in seven main areas: health and illness, social mobility, physical environment, income and property, public order and safety, learning and science and art, and participation and alienation.

As these topics suggest, the 1969 report included some direct measures of well-being—health and illness, for example—and a number of economic and behavioral factors assumed to cause or enable well-being. Throughout the following decade, interest in the measurement of wellbeing ran high in many countries as part of a larger effort at creating “social indicators.” The social indicators movement, as it was called, appears in retrospect to have been part of a larger international concern with well-being and the role of governments in its achievement. It was a time when such phrases as “welfare state” and “great society” were terms of aspiration rather than derision. In more recent years, interest in such measures has continued in the United States (e.g., as seen in the National Survey of Midlife Development in the United States), but with less visibility and with markedly less support from the major funding agencies.

Efforts at measuring quality of life continue in many other countries as well. For example, the multidisciplinary Berlin Aging Study looks at sources of well-being in very old age (see Baltes and Mayer, 1999, for an extended discussion). Some coordination and exchange of information is being accomplished through the MAPI Research Institute in Lyon, France, which publishes the Quality of Life Newsletter. Coordination and international exchange is also provided by the International Society for Quality of Life Research (ISOQOL). During the year 2000, the first National Quality of Life Symposium was held in China, and the Seventh Annual Symposium on Quality of Life Evaluation took place in the United States. Both of these symposia, like most of the research reported in the MAPI newsletter, focused on quality of life among people with specific diseases. The ACROSS Project of the European Union, for example, emphasizes outcome measures in rehabilitation in six European countries.

In 1995, the World Health Organization (WHO) reported the completion of pilot work on a 100-question form (WHOQOL) based on a broader conception of health as “a state of complete physical, mental, and social well-being, not merely the absence of disease.” The aim is to assess “individuals’ perceptions of their position in life in the context of the culture and value systems in which they live and in relation to their goals, expectations, standards and concerns” (Orley, 1995). WHOQOL-100 consists of six main sections: physical health, psychological health, level of independence, social relations, environment, and spirituality. Most of the questions within these sections ask for responses in terms of satisfaction or dissatisfaction on a five-point scale ranging from very satisfied to very dissatisfied. Some questions, however, ask about ability, confidence, or adequacy rather than satisfaction. The complete questionnaire, with its response scales, is available on the Internet, as well as from the WHO Division of Mental Health in Geneva, Switzerland.

In addition to these efforts that concentrate on the measurement of subjective well-being, many other survey-based datasets include some indicators of well-being, whether or not they are so labeled. Among them are measures of mortality and morbidity, measures of ability, and direct measures of life quality as experienced. Examples of ability are the ADL (Activities of Daily Living) scale; the IADL (Independent Activities of Daily Living) scale; and items intended to measure capacity to perform more strenuous activities, such as walking a half-mile or more or doing heavy housework. Direct measures of subjective well-being, as we shall see, take several forms. Unfortunately, relationships among the several conceptual levels represented by these various measures are seldom specified or fully examined.

The remainder of this chapter begins by examining various approaches to the measurement of well-being. We then summarize findings from research conducted to date on well-being among the elderly.


Kahneman et al. (1999) propose five conceptual levels as relevant for research on well-being. In descending order, from molar to molecular, they are as follows:

  • External (“objective”) conditions (e.g., income, neighborhood, housing)
  • Subjective well-being (e.g., self-reports of satisfaction/dissatisfaction)
  • Persistent mood level (e.g., optimism/pessimism)
  • Immediate pleasures/pains, transient emotional states (e.g., joy, anger)
  • Biochemical, neural bases of behavior

The conceptual distinction that Kahneman and colleagues propose between objective (external) conditions and subjective well-being is familiar and important, although it is a methodological as well as a conceptual distinction. External conditions, such as neighborhood and housing, can be assessed by self-report (subjective) as well as by independent (“objective”) observation. The distinction between the physiological or biochemical level and the others is also clear, although population-based research on well-being has yet to incorporate the biochemical level, and biochemical researchers show little interest in linking their work to more molar and subjective indicators of well-being. This linkage, nevertheless, has great scientific potential. Perhaps least obvious and most controversial is the distinction between persistent mood level and immediate pleasures or pains. We deal with this issue later in the section on stocks and flows in well-being analysis.

Kahneman et al. are critical of research on well-being in two main respects: the fact that most researchers concentrate on a single level without examining its relationship to the others, and that most rely on self-reported data without examining their biases. Kahneman et al. point out that measures of reported well-being were relatively stable during decades when income and other economic indicators were increasing substantially, citing this as but one example of the inappropriately modest relationships between objective conditions and subjective well-being. Their explanation for this lack of relationship emphasizes “construal processes”—biases in self-reported well-being that include the effects of temporary moods or associations, differing frames of reference and comparisons with others, and social acceptability bias (the wish to present oneself in favorable terms). They also discuss the phenomenon of the hedonic treadmill, proposed by Brickman and Campbell (1971) some 30 years ago in discussing theories of adaptation, which the panel believes is a more important explanation.


Civil service retirement system (CSRS):

The Civil Service Retirement Act, which became effective on August 1, 1920, established a retirement system for certain Federal employees.  It was replaced by the Federal Employees Retirement System (FERS) for Federal employees who first entered covered service on and after January 1, 1987.

The Civil Service Retirement System (CSRS) is a defined benefit, contributory retirement system.  Employees share in the expense of the annuities to which they become entitled. CSRS covered employees contribute 7, 7 1/2 or 8 percent of pay to CSRS and, while they generally pay no Social Security retirement, survivor and disability (OASDI) tax, they must pay the Medicare tax (currently 1.45 percent of pay).  The employing agency matches the employee’s CSRS contributions.

CSRS employees may increase their earned annuity by contributing up to 10 percent of the basic pay for their creditable service to a voluntary contribution account.   Employees may also contribute a portion of pay to the Thrift Savings Plan (TSP) .  There is no Government contribution, but the employee contributions are tax-deferred.

This section of the website covers the Civil Service Retirement System (CSRS).   Through the menu links on the left, you can find information about the following CSRS retirement topics:

  • Eligibility – The main eligibility requirements for the common types of retirements.
  • Computation – How your retirement annuity is computed.
  • Creditable Service – Rules showing the civilian and military service that can be used to compute your CSRS retirement benefits.
  • Planning and Applying – It’s never too early to start planning for retirement in order to ensure it goes smoothly. Here you will find information to help ensure your retirement starts well.



Adeoye, E. A and Legbara, I. (1997). Perception and Preparedness of Civil Servants in Ilorin Metropolis towards retirement. Nigerian Journal of Clinical Counseling Psychology, 3 (1 &2), 121-131.

Adler, J. (1975). The Retirement Book AC complete early Planning Guide To Finances: New activities and when to leave. New York: William Marow and Co.

Adonyi, M.I. (2007). Perceived Retirement Phobia as a function of Age, Educational and Marital status of professional soccer players. International Research Journal of Finance and Economics, Retrieved 01/20/2009 from http://www.eurojournals.coin/finance.htm.

Akinade, E.A. (1993). Towards Satisfactory retirement: A Socio-psychological Approach. Lagos: Kola Okannlawon service Ltd.

Alakwe, B.S.(2003). Students’ Attitudes Towards Science Subjects in Technical Colleges in Delta State. Unpublished M.ed Thesis Rivers State University of Science and Technology, Nkpolu, Port Harcourt.



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